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Conflict ResolutionIn the decade from 1990 to 2000, sub-Saharan Africa experienced more than twice the number of casualties from conflict of any other region in the world. While significant progress is now being made toward ending some of the continent's most deadly conflicts, continued violence and insecurity threaten millions of people. It is important to note that most of Africa is not at war. There are six ongoing violent conflicts on the continent in 2009, down from an average of 14 in the 1990s. However, where conflicts do exist, they affect not only the stability of the countries involved, but also their neighbors and the entire sub-region. For each of the major conflicts ongoing in Africa there exists a peace process, often a settlement plan and an African body to guide a peace process. What is crucially missing, in many cases, is the U.S. and international support - financial, diplomatic and peacekeeping - needed to ensure peace and stability and to enforce negotiated agreements. The U.S. has an important role to play in supporting African peace-making initiatives. Sustained U.S. financial and diplomatic commitment to the resolution of African conflicts is essential to both regional and global stability. Therefore, such a commitment should be a U.S. priority. The achievement of peace and security is also a prerequisite for sustainable social and economic development, and for democratic progress. The U.S. also has a particular historic responsibility for many of Africa's current conflicts. During the Cold War, the U.S. provided more than $1.5 billion worth of arms to African countries that were considered geo-strategic allies against the Soviet incursion onto the continent. The U.S. also bankrolled dictators in several African states - such as Mobuto Sese Seko in the former Zaire and Mohamed Siad Barre in Somalia. Many of these African countries that had "special" Cold War relationships with the U.S. fell into political turmoil and violence in the 1990s as their Cold War funding was retracted and their despotic leaders were left vulnerable by the lack of U.S. support For instance, Somalia has been without an effective government since 1991. In June 2006, a coalition of Islamic courts seized much of the south, including the capital, and began to establish order and enforce Islamic law throughout these regions. In December 2006, U.S.-supported Ethiopian forces retook the capital, disbanding the Union of Islamic Courts and reinstating the United Nations (UN)-backed Transitional Federal Government (TFG). Islamic insurgents have since regained control of most of southern Somalia. Ethiopia withdrew its troops in January 2009, creating a power vacuum that ignited further conflict as Islamic militias captured more cities in the country. Currently there is a transitional federal government that has been instated for two years, headed by a moderate Islamic president. This heightening crisis has caused a spike in the number of refugees seeking asylum in neighboring regions, hundreds of thousands of whom often live in unsanitary and insecure camps in neighboring countries.. The lack of authority has also led to the spread of piracy off the Somali coast, leading to a dangerous threat for international shipping lines through that region. The U.S. must take responsibility for the continuing destabilizing effect of its past interventions in Somalia and other countries, as its ramifications affect not only the regions themselves, but in some cases U.S. interests as well. However, the current U.S. approach to promoting security in Africa intends to keep the U.S. one step removed from engagement with African initiatives. The focus is on arming and training African armed forces rather than making a sustained investment in conflict prevention and diplomacy. The U.S. refuses to participate in multilateral peacekeeping efforts, committing only bare logistical support in some cases. This "hands off" approach undermines international peacekeeping operations and hinders African initiatives in conflict resolution. It also reveals the lack of U.S. commitment to addressing Africa's most urgent challenges. U.S. security cooperation with Africa has taken on new meaning since 9/11. Increased U.S. military action in the Middle East has led to greater U.S. military presence in the Horn of Africa and elsewhere on the continent. In June 2005, the Pentagon introduced a program called the Trans-Sahara Counter Terrorism Initiative. This Initiative seeks "to directly engage with participating nations and assist in protecting their borders and exploiting opportunities to detect and deter terrorists by providing basic training and equipment and train additional forces." With proposed funding of $500 million over seven years, this initiative is intended to train troops and provide technical assistance to government military forces in Algeria, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, Nigeria, Morocco and Tunisia, as well as to deploy more military officers to U.S. embassies in these countries to increase cooperation in anti-terrorism efforts. In October 2007, the Bush administration launched a unified U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) to centralize continental operations. AFRICOM represents the expansion of the U.S. military role in Africa, as humanitarian efforts previously implemented by the State Department and United States Agency for International Development (USAID) will now fall under Department of Defense directive. Its mission statement is to "conduct sustained security engagement through military-to-military programs, military-sponsored activities, and other military operations as directed to promote a stable and secure African environment in support of U.S. foreign policy." This renewed preoccupation with narrow geo-strategic interests and the singular focus on militaries as key institutions in Africa threaten to undercut African peace-building mechanisms. The concern with counter-terrorism has also undermined an effective and urgent U.S. response to the genocide in Darfur, Sudan. While the United States provided support for the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the government in Khartoum and former rebels in the South, it has dismally failed to take the necessary action to provide security in Darfur, where the government has waged a campaign of genocide since 2003. Although the U.S. government is the only government to have publicly declared that genocide is occurring in Darfur, it has yet to take the substantive action needed to stop the violence and protect civilians. The Obama administration has increased the pressure on the Sudanese government since the expulsion of humanitarian aid groups in 2009 and has appointed a special envoy to Darfur, Scott Gration. While these are positive steps, more must be done to elicit real change in the region. In Darfur, the U.S. and the international community have too long abandoned the African Union to cope with a crisis that is beyond its capacity. The African Union (AU) plays an increasingly critical role in conflict resolution in Africa. In 2003, it deployed peacekeeping troops in Burundi and later successfully handed over the mission to the UN. In 2005, it supported democracy in Togo after the death of Gnassingbe Eyadema, Africa's longest ruling dictator. However, as its mission in Darfur demonstrated, the AU is a nascent organization and needs concerted international support. Its mission lacked the troop strength, the mandate and the logistical capacity to enforce the ceasefire and protect civilians in Darfur. The passage of Security Council Resolution 1769 created the mandate for a UN-AU hybrid peacekeeping force to replace the AU force in Darfur. UNAMID has 15, 531 troops on the ground in the region, though its authorized force is 19,555. It is stymied in its efforts by an uncooperative national government, violent attacks on UN compounds and a lack of appropriate financing that would allow for the deployment of more troops. If the U.S. is to expect African cooperation on U.S. priorities, the Obama Administration must be willing to address African concerns and priorities, including HIV/AIDS, poverty, conflict resolution, genocide and other crimes against humanity. The social and economic disruption wrought by ongoing conflicts remains a real source of instability in Africa. A true U.S.-Africa partnership must be built on a commitment to promoting peace and security in Africa.
LinksAfrican Voices on AFRICOM
AFRICOM: The Militarization of U.S.-Africa Policy Revealed
Africa Policy Outlook 2008
Resist AFRICOM
Roadmap for Peace
The United States Institute for Peace
The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD)
The Institute for Security Studies
The Enough Project
The International Crisis Group
Small Arms Survey
Human Security Gateway -- Africa
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
Relief Web
Latest News on Peace & Security in Africa
The Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR)
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